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Visitors can enjoy the magnificent harbour, the many and varied activities of the city or walk and hike in the nearby hills where native flora and fauna abound. Your drive south of Auckland follows the east coast through picturesque farmland and the beautiful seabird coast, home to thousands of migratory and shorebirds. Travel over steep volcanic mountains clad in dense rainforest to the Pacific Coast of the Peninsula with its many offshore islands.
Spend the next couple of days exploring. Then take to the water as you experience white water rafting at its best. Ride over a seven-metre drop on this grade 5 river. Even adventurous beginners are welcome though! Take a floatplane to view Mount Tarawera from above. This dormant volcano created an 8km crater when it exploded back in Today make your way to Napier, a journey of approximately three hours. Depart Rotorua through farmland to Taupo then continue to Napier.
The major highlight on the road from Taupo to Napier is the fantastic scenery.
Napier and her sister city Hastings are located in Hawkes Bay, a gentrified coastal bowl of market gardens, rich orchards and vineyards. As the climate is similar to the best grape-growing areas of Europe, a French Catholic mission first planted vines in Napier owes its distinctive Art Deco appearance to a disastrous earthquake that shook the area in and almost completely destroyed the city. Today it is known to have the largest concentrated collection of Art Deco buildings in the world. Enjoy the clean, green Wairarapa scenery as you drive south. Carterton is a good place to shop for paua shell souvenirs, while Greytown has many beautiful examples of Victorian architecture and a quaint museum — take yourself on a self-guided walk.
Wellington is compact, cultured and full of character. Nestled between the harbour and the hills, the downtown area is ideal for explorations on foot. Enjoy cafes, restaurants, museums and all kinds of shops. Dance, theatre and musical performances are a Wellington speciality.
The Wellington region is an area of immense diversity and character. Victorian architecture graces the steep hills surrounding one of the finest harbours and beautiful coastlines in the country. Today Wellington is a vibrant cosmopolitan and sophisticated city. Nelson lies right at the heart of New Zealand, on the curving coastline of the northwest corner of the South Island.
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The landscape of the region embraces alpine lodges, wilderness mountain country, clear rivers, forests, limestone outcrops, rocky coasts and legendary sandy beaches. Nelson culture boasts a vibrant arts and crafts scene and a great collection of wine and beer makers. You venture up the Buller River to the wild Tasman Sea views of the west coast. The road to Franz Josef is rural, but with a wild streak. The farmland is trying to turn back into forest, and the beauty of the rivers is raw and primaeval.
Lakes, rainforests, surging waterfalls and the glacial rivers of ice mean that the area is an adventure and leisure destination that is ready to be explored. The Village itself is the hub of the region with restaurants, nightlife and shopping. Your journey will take you via the Haast Pass, the southern most pass that connects the communities of the East and West, is humbling.
What deeply concerns me — and has increasingly concerned me during the public debate that has followed the intro- duction of the Bill — is that some people would have the law enforce their moral viewpoint on into the twenty-first century, as it has done for the last years. I believe that by doing that we would carry on a serious injustice and would continue seriously to impair the civil liberties of a minority in society Hansard, v There is a large body of lesbian and gay writing which recognizes that the liberal concept of rights is limited in its effectiveness.
For instance, Cicchino et al. Campaigns for decriminalization of same-sex sexual activity, for example, may be based on principles such as the liberal right to privacy, and this can reinvent the closet rather than allow for positive social trans- formation Stychin, Whereas approaches based on privacy can tend to reinvent the closet for lesbians and gay men, those resting on toleration tend to confirm the dualism between norm and Other Herman, Rights approaches can position heterosexuality as the natural con- dition of equality, leading to the institutionalization and naturalization of heterosexuality remaining unquestioned Rahman, Recognizing such problems, Morgan b suggests that debates over rights and legislation are perhaps most useful as sites for thoroughgoing cultural interventions, through which lesbians and gay men can dispute insti- tutionalized discourses about homosexuality p.
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Much lesbian and gay writing on liberalism focuses on rights rather than on the concepts of equality and individualism, which have an equally prominent place in liberal thought. These authors, therefore, tend to miss the equally important implications of equality and individualism for the relationship between homosexuality and liberalism.
Exceptions to this are Herman and Cooper and Herman Herman argues that liberal conceptions of rights refuse to acknowledge the specificity of lesbian and gay identities and experience. While liberalism offers lesbians and gay men formal equality as asexual citizens, official recognition as homosexuals is denied. While protection of individuals who are said to have a particular, immutable sexual orientation is permissible within liberalism, sexuality is not understood as a social relation that constructs its subjects in ways which have profound consequences for their places within the social order.
It is at this point that liberalism and com- munitarianism converge in their conservative potential.
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In suggesting a convergence between communitarianism and liberalism I depart from those who relate conservatism to communitarianism, while positioning liberalism as supportive of gay and lesbian struggles. For conservative communitarians, identity separates citizens from each other. While communitarianism stresses a common culture of shared values over a recognition of the salience of identity, liberalism expresses a desire for a common culture of individualism.
Currah points out that while in theory communitarianism recog- nizes the embeddedness and social situatedness of the subject, it abandons this in the face of more radical claims that our identities are highly salient precisely because they are situated within particular, sometimes oppressive, social institutions. Lesbians and gay men become for the communitarian simply one more identity-based interest seeking to tear apart the com- monality of citizens.
However, liberalism suffers from a very similar problem that allows it also to serve conservative interests. Just as com- munitarianism fails to live up to its own theoretical promises of embedded- ness, liberalism never even claimed to recognize embeddedness in the first place.
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Whereas communitarianism proceeds as if domination does not exist to disrupt the common culture, so does liberalism proceed as if indi- vidualism is unsullied by domination. In light of my claims about the dangers of liberalism I use the follow- ing discussion to illustrate and interrogate the ways liberalism can support domination. Having suggested that lesbian and gay writers have for the most part discussed the impact of rights rather than equality and indi- vidualism, I place a focus on the latter two aspects of liberal thought.
While not necessarily acting as instru- ments of ruling elites as such, those who write these texts do so within a context in which discourses that serve relations of ruling are privileged Golding and Murdock, ; Hall, Dominant accounts of the world are often presented as commonsensical Ericson et al. They suggest, however, that lesbian and gay identities are contained through the erection and main- tenance of boundaries of acceptability and through controls on which rep- resentations are permitted and which are prohibited.
The media texts to which I refer in this article vary in the extent to which they reflect elite or popular sentiments, although I suggest that all support the dominance of heterosexuality and the subordination of homosexuality. They do represent reasonably well contemporary currents within hetero- sexist discourses in New Zealand, and they vary in the institutional weight carried. Some of the texts are excerpts from editorials, some are letters to the editor, and some are taken from opinion columns.
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Individuals are, therefore, essentially the same as each other, even though they may have their own particular lives and histories. This liberal conception of the individual can cause problems for lesbians and gay men, for it is invoked in ways which naturalize their marginality and render invisible their relationship to domination. The problems with liberal individualism became apparent in one New Zealand media controversy in They were constructed as individuals — albeit somewhat odd and bizarre individuals — and given no recognition for their specificity within highly socially significant relationships.
There was no awareness that these are crucial relations for those embedded in them. An Otago Daily Times editorial considered lesbians to be laughable Others, on a par with apparently absurd occupational groups: There are some weird and wonderful collectives in this world. Lesbians working in government. The connection of lesbian experience with these other categories makes being lesbian seem ephemeral, arbitrary, improbable and laughable.
Lesbian existence is compared to categories that are in no way comparable. No room is provided for a recognition that the lesbian is located in particular ways within a workplace which may well be hostile or difficult Atmore, This failure has its antecedents within a liberal approach. The foundational status of the individual ensures that social collectivity is understood as nothing more than an aggregation of inde- pendent individuals who happen to share a particular characteristic Young, Such an understanding of collectivity does not permit an analysis of the power inherent in social institutions.
It is possible, and vital, to maintain a recognition of situatedness, relatedness and the construction of the subject through power relations. This is something that liberal individualism clearly fails to do. While a form of liberal equality is conceded, it is tightly circumscribed. Such statements are clear in their privileging of heterosexuality, with the ways in which heterosexuality is naturalized in public spaces being ren- dered invisible Duncan, Homo- sexuality has long been constructed in conservative thought as excess, be it in the form of degeneracy, contagion or a lack of restraint and regulation Evans, ; Stychin, For the Evening Post editorial writer, however, the trope of excess is constructed through, and with the help of, liberalism rather than through a more traditional type of conservatism.
This form of conservatism, then, sets itself up as liberal rather than communitarian. There is a degree of necessity in the deployment of liberal concepts by those advancing conservative agendas. Some Christian groups have advised their members not to use religious arguments to oppose homosexuality, suggesting that secular argu- ments are likely to carry more weight with decision-makers and the public Rudman, Annetta Moran, on behalf of the soon afterwards disbanded political party Christian Coalition opposed the show on the grounds that it constituted a form of special treatment and moved beyond an acceptable equality: I wonder why we need gay television, do we need heterosexual television, do we need television for other people with different sexual preferences.
I mean, their lifestyle is already protected, they are a minority of the popu- lation. The naturalization of heterosexuality ensured that the heterosexualization of television was placed beyond consideration. Implicit appeals to individualism are deployed at the moment when possibilities for cultural citizenship for lesbians and gay men challenge the ubiquity of heterosexuality.
The problem here goes well beyond an illegitimate occupation of a liberal ground by those who support the dominance of heterosexuality. The liberal ground itself aids and abets this dominance through its failure to recognize the institutionalization of heterosexuality.
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Some women, however, seem incapable of getting by without continually whining about discrimination. Others quietly get to the top — with determination, education and guts — achieving all their goals, and there are many of these in society. Again, relations of dominance and sub- ordination are erased and thereby naturalized.
Gay men and lesbians are either excluded from or included within the national imaginary of the egalitarian myth according to which of the two serves the dominance of heterosexuality at the time. Historically lesbians and gay men have not been covered by the egalitarian myth precisely because they have been regarded as non-citizens.
More recently, however, gay men and lesbians have been allowed to be included within the myth as long as inclusion under its rubric has been able to be deployed in recuperative ways. Inequality is misrecognized as equality. Lesbian and gay inclusion is now a powerful tool of domination.
As I have established, the existence of relations of domination and subordination that characterize heteronormativity is denied. Within such a logic, domination is not a characteristic of the relations of ruling which sanction hetero- sexuality, but rather is something that is practised by lesbians and gay men.
Heterosexuality is regarded as having no systematic and coercive effects upon lesbians and gay men, since only gay men or lesbians can effect coercion upon the body politic. Another opinion column restates some of these arguments: The problem I have with homosexual rights activists is that they do not seem content with the equal rights which they spent years lobbying for and eventu- ally won after a nasty public debate characterised by scandalously dishonest pro- paganda from both sides.
What they seem to want now is special, preferential treatment. They lobby for special recognition in the workplace, propaganda ses- sions in schools, support groups and special funding. A particular conception of the state is integral to the tropes of excess equality and special treatment.
The state is seen to possess coercive powers that can be used against citizens Else, It may levy rates or taxes, or raise laws that can restrain action or direct citizens to do particular things. The state is regarded as a tool which lesbians and gay men may co-opt into their service in the quest to go beyond an acceptable equality.